Showing posts with label 1990s. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 1990s. Show all posts

Nomad Explorer (1992)

The Nomad Explorer Very Long Traverse Vehicle (VLTV) with its "power cart" in the background (right). A cable links the cart's nuclear reactor to the VLTV. Please note the "periscope" viewing window (below Earth at upper left), robotic arm (one of a pair), and EVA Bell (lower center). Image credit: Madhu Thangavelu
North America and Europe combined have fewer square kilometers of surface area than the Moon: 36.8 million for the two continents versus 37.8 million for Earth's natural satellite. In August-September 1992, at the 43rd Congress of the International Astronautical Federation (IAF) in Washington, DC, Madhu Thangavelu, a research associate at the University of Southern California's Institute of Aerospace Systems Architecture and Technology, argued that explorers operating from a fixed surface base — the traditional advanced lunar exploration scenario — could hope to survey only a small fraction of the lunar surface. Moreover, only after several costly piloted lunar landing missions had investigated candidate sites could a single fixed base site be selected.

At the time Thangavelu presented his paper, the Space Exploration Initiative (SEI), launched by President George H. W. Bush on the 20th anniversary of the first piloted Moon landing (20 July 1989), was nearing its end. Though at SEI's start NASA had proposed a traditional fixed-site permanent lunar base concept, by the time of the 1992 IAF meeting it had shifted its attention to a temporary lunar outpost concept called First Lunar Outpost (FLO). NASA made the change based on recommendations in the May 1991 report of the SEI Synthesis Group (the Stafford Committee).

Thangavelu did not mention FLO in his paper, though he might have noted that it had many of the limitations of the fixed-site base scenario. In its most basic form, FLO would see a series of 45-day piloted lunar missions, each employing one Habitat Lander and one Crew Lander. FLO astronauts would have at their disposal roving vehicles not too different from the jeep-like Apollo rovers. These would permit traverses of at most a few tens of kilometers from their temporary lunar outpost.

Thangavelu suggested that NASA replace the fixed-site lunar base approach with a "roving base" that would, in a single ambitious piloted mission, explore multiple candidate base sites and the terrain between them along an 11,000-kilometer traverse route. He called his roving base Nomad Explorer. 

The chief element of the Nomad Explorer roving base was the 35-tonne Very Long Traverse Vehicle (VLTV), which would measure 16 meters long, 4.5 meters wide, and 10 meters high. The VLTV would roll on four large wheels, each powered independently by a 120-horsepower electric motor. The complex wheels would change shape automatically to accommodate obstacles and ensure a smooth ride. Typically, the VLTV would move at about 20 kilometers per hour, though it could trundle along at up to 30 kilometers per hour if necessary.

The VLTV would provide its three-person crew with 600 cubic meters of pressurized volume. It would include a control cockpit, crew quarters, a meeting room/galley, an airlock, and a hygiene facility. 

Life support water tanks and stacked bags containing lunar dirt on the vehicle's roof would partially shield against solar flare and galactic cosmic radiation. A periscope-like assemblage of mirrors and baffles would provide the driver with an elevated view of the surface while blocking some radiation; along with movable cameras and floodlights, it would augment a more conventional  "windshield" with sloping tinted windows directed toward the surface.

Thangavelu proposed a novel system for providing the Nomad Explorer roving base with electricity — an automated "power cart" bearing a nuclear reactor that would follow about a kilometer behind the VLTV to limit crew radiation exposure. It would supply 50 kilowatts of electricity to the piloted rover either through a long durable cable or through intermittent microwave beaming. An auxiliary fuel cell/solar cell system on the VLTV would provide 10 kilowatts of backup electricity.

The most novel feature of Thangavelu's Nomad Explorer design was, however, the EVA Bell, an accordion-like structure that would extend down from the VLTV's underside. Thangavelu intended that the 48-cubic-meter EVA Bell should eliminate what he considered to be the worst feature of moonwalks: the need for bulky space suits. Space suits, he explained, decreased astronaut mobility and dexterity, caused fatigue, and required excessive time for donning. The EVA Bell would also protect the astronauts from abrasive lunar dust.

In addition to the EVA Bell, the VLTV would include two robot arms that could stand in for or assist space-suited astronauts. These would ride on tracks on the VLTV's exterior, enabling them to reach out from the rover in any direction.

The Nomad Explorer roving base would, of course, require a supporting space transportation infrastructure. Thangavelu envisioned a revived Saturn V rocket which he called the "Saturn V-B." This would launch Autonomous Modular Common Landers (AMCLs) configured for either automated or piloted operation. Though he did not mention it, NASA's proposed FLO launch vehicle, informally dubbed the "Saturn VI," might have stood in for the Saturn V-B with modest uprating or if used in an Earth-Orbit Rendezvous architecture. Uprated, modified FLO Crew and Habitat Landers might have replaced the AMCLs.

An automated AMCL would land the Nomad Explorer roving base at the start of its planned traverse route. Others would land supplies and experiment payloads no more than 3000 kilometers apart along the route. A one-way piloted AMCL would deposit the VLTV crew near the roving base at the starting point of the long traverse, and an automated AMCL bearing a crew Earth-return vehicle would land at the end of the traverse route.

The astronauts would then begin their six-month journey across the Moon's rolling, dusty terrain. Upon reaching the first resupply AMCL, they would use the VLTV's robot arms to transfer supplies it carried to a special port on the VLTV, then would put the EVA Bell into action. First, they would use the VLTV's robot arms to spread a "mat" on the lunar surface. The crew would then use the arms to transfer a site-specific scientific payload from the AMCL to the center of the mat.

Next, the astronauts would position the VLTV so that it straddled the payload. They would extend the EVA Bell, which would lock onto the mat, forming an air-tight seal. The astronauts would fill the EVA Bell with air, then would climb down into it to deploy the payload. After they completed their tasks, they would exit the EVA Bell, pump out its air, and raise it off the mat, exposing the payload to lunar surface conditions.

In addition to scientific instruments, the astronauts would deploy a telecommunications network for future operations as they moved over the lunar surface. Upon reaching the end of their traverse, they would place the Nomad Explorer roving base in "hibernation." They would then board the pre-landed AMCL Earth-return vehicle and blast off for home.

Source

"The Nomad Explorer Assembly Assist Vehicle: An Architecture for Rapid Global Lunar Infrastructure Establishment," IAF-92-0743, Madhu Thangavelu; paper presented at the 43rd Congress of the International Astronautical Federation, 28 August-5 September 1992, Washington, DC.

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Project Hyreus (1993)

The Project Hyreus mission emblem. Image credit: University of Washington Department of Aeronautics and Astronautics.

In Greek mythology Hyreus (pronounced "HY-ree-us") is Orion's father. Students in the University of Washington (UW) Department of Aeronautics and Astronautics had a different take on this obscure figure, however. The end of the Cold War and efforts to rein in a galloping U.S. Federal deficit yielded a decline in aerospace spending in the late 1980s/early 1990s. This led to "downsizing" and corporate mergers in aerospace industry. New hires slumped, confronting aerospace engineering students with an uncertain future.

According to the 28 UW students who contributed to the 1993 Project Hyreus report, Hyreus (pronounced "HIRE-us") was a mortal who succeeded in living off the land in the barren underworld, and for that achievement was made the God of Gainful Employment. The students performed the Project Hyreus Mars Sample Return (MSR) study in UW's Space Systems Design course as part of the NASA/Universities Space Research Association (USRA) Advanced Design Program (ADP). Dr. Adam Bruckner was their instructor. 

Hyreus was a follow-on to UW's 1992 Project Minerva NASA/USRA ADP study, which proposed a piloted Mars expedition based on the 1990 Martin Marietta Mars Direct plan. The Minerva study had found feasible Mars Direct's reliance on Earth-return rocket propellants manufactured from martian resources, a technique called In Situ Propellant Production (ISPP). In the Mars Direct, Minerva, and Hyreus plans, ISPP relied on carbon dioxide gas in the martian atmosphere because it is readily available all over the planet. Carbon dioxide makes up about 95% of the martian atmosphere, which is only about 1% as dense as Earth's atmosphere. 

The UW students emphasized a Sabatier/Reverse Water-Gas Shift (RWGS) ISPP system, which would produce liquid methane fuel and liquid oxygen oxidizer, though they also examined a carbon monoxide ISPP system. The UW students explained that Hyreus aimed to demonstrate ISPP technology in a critical mission role at a relatively low cost ahead of a piloted ISPP Mars mission. 

Assuming that Hyreus succeeded, the mission would exploit the mission-enhancement potential of ISPP by returning to Earth a Mars surface sample with a mass of from 25 to 30 kilograms — that is, one more than 10 times larger than in most other MSR proposals. Analysis of such a large sample would enable scientists to locate water deposits and seek life on Mars, the students contended.

Hyreus Sabatier/Reverse Water-Gas Shift (RWGS) In Situ Propellant Production (ISPP) system. Image credit: University of Washington Department of Aeronautics and Astronautics.

The 400-kilogram Sabatier/RWGS ISPP plant would need a total 122 kilograms of cryogenic liquid hydrogen feedstock brought from Earth. The hydrogen would gradually boil and escape, so Hyreus would depart Earth with an extra 88 kilograms on board to make up for losses. 

The Sabatier/RWGS plant would take in dust-laden martian air at a rate of 9.6 kilograms per day. The air would pass through a hydrocyclone dust filter to a compressor, then to a condenser that would liquify its carbon dioxide. Residual trace gases (nitrogen and argon) would be vented overboard, and the carbon dioxide would be pumped to the ISPP unit. There it would be combined with 0.24 kilograms of liquid hydrogen feedstock per day to produce carbon monoxide gas and water. 

The plant would vent the carbon monoxide overboard and pump the water to an electrolyzer, which would split it into gaseous hydrogen and oxygen. The oxygen, produced at a rate of 4.62 kilograms per day, would go to a liquifier, then to its final destination in the Earth Return Vehicle (ERV) oxidizer tank. 

The hydrogen, meanwhile, would go to the Sabatier reactor, where it would be joined with martian carbon dioxide in the presence of a nickel or ruthenium catalyst to yield water and methane gas at a rate of 1.15 kilograms per day. The methane would go to a liquifier, then to the ERV's twin fuel tanks. The water, meanwhile, would return to the electrolyzer. Over 1.4 years the Sabatier/RWGS ISPP system would produce 480 kilograms of methane and 1921 kilograms of oxygen for the ERV's single rocket engine. 

The students found that the carbon monoxide ISPP system had two advantages over the Sabatier/RWGS system: it would need no Earth-supplied feedstock and would be smaller, simpler, and less massive (just 300 kilograms). On the other hand, the carbon monoxide and oxygen it produced constituted a propellant combination less efficient than methane/oxygen. This meant that the carbon monoxide ISPP plant would need to manufacture 3440 kilograms of carbon monoxide and 1960 kilograms of oxygen to make up for the reduced performance.

Both ISPP systems would rely for electricity on a nuclear-fueled Dynamic Isotope Power System (DIPS) attached to the ERV. The DIPS would also power other MLV systems. The Sabatier/RWGS and carbon monoxide ISPP systems would draw from the DIPS 1.2 and 1.1 kilowatts of electricity, respectively. 

Landing its hydrogen feedstock and heavy ISPP unit on Mars would mean the Sabatier/RWGS Hyreus spacecraft would need a sturdier lander structure, a larger aerobrake, larger parachutes, and more landing propellant than the carbon monoxide Hyreus spacecraft. The carbon monoxide Hyreus would, on the other hand, need a larger ERV to enable it to hold enough carbon monoxide/oxygen propellants to reach Earth. The students calculated that the Sabatier/RWGS Hyreus would have a mass of 4495 kilograms at launch from Earth; the carbon monoxide Hyreus mass would total 4030 kilograms. 

Hyreus "raked sphere-cone" aerobrake. Image credit: University of Washington Department of Aeronautics and Astronautics.

At launch, the Hyreus spacecraft would comprise an aerobrake and a Mars Landing Vehicle (MLV) bearing the Satellite Observation and Communication at Mars (SOCM) orbiter, Special Planetary Observation Transport (SPOT) rover, and the ERV. Hyreus would leave Earth between 22 May and 20 June 2003 on a $400-million, 940-metric-ton Titan IV/Centaur rocket, the most powerful U.S. launcher expected to be available. 

Two solid-propellant rocket motors would boost the Titan IV off the launch pad, then the first stage would kick in a little more than two minutes after liftoff. During first-stage operation, the 7.5-meter-diameter launch shroud would split and fall away, exposing Hyreus atop the Centaur upper stage. After Titan IV second stage separation, the Centaur would fire to place itself and the Hyreus spacecraft into parking orbit 300 kilometers above Earth. 

The Hyreus aerobrake would include two folding "flaps" so that it could fit within the confines of the Titan IV launch shroud. After arrival in parking orbit, the flaps would hinge into place and lock to give the 11.3-meter-long aerobrake its full 9.4-meter width. The students chose a "raked sphere-cone" aerobrake over one with a biconic shape because it would be 20% lighter and have an open back that would offer more options for deploying the SOCM orbiter. 

A second Centaur burn would push Hyreus out of parking orbit toward Mars, then the Centaur would detach and fire its engine a final time to avoid striking and contaminating the planet. Depending on the exact Earth launch date, Earth-Mars transfer would last from 188 to 217 days. Hyreus would perform course corrections during the transfer using the MLV's four descent rocket motors. 

On 25 December 2003, Hyreus would enter the atmosphere of Mars traveling at 5.69 kilometers per second. Aerodynamic drag would slow the spacecraft so Mars's gravity could capture it into the desired near-polar orbit. Hyreus would descend to an altitude of 55 kilometers, then would skip out of the atmosphere and climb to apoapsis (the high point of its orbit) 2470 kilometers above Mars. There the MLV descent rockets would ignite briefly to lift the spacecraft's periapsis (the low point of its orbit) out of the atmosphere to an altitude of 250 kilometers. 

Mars would rotate beneath the orbiting Hyreus spacecraft, gradually positioning the selected landing site so that descent could begin. A second apoapsis burn would put Hyreus on course for its second aerobraking maneuver, which would place it into an orbit with a 580-kilometer-high apoapsis and a periapsis beneath the martian surface near the planned landing site. 

Following the second apoapsis burn, Hyreus would deploy the 282-kilogram SOCM orbiter. After deployment, SOCM would fire thrusters to raise its periapsis to 580 kilometers and circularize its orbit. The solar-powered SOCM would carry a Ground-Penetrating Radar to seek subsurface water and a wide-angle camera for monitoring weather at the MLV landing site. The orbiter would transmit its data to the MLV for relay to Earth. 

After the second apopasis burn, the Hyreus spacecraft would fall toward its landing site. The students proposed three candidate sites within 15° of the martian equator. Near-equatorial sites were preferred, they argued, because the planet's rotation would give the ERV an extra boost when the time came for it to lift off from the planet. All of the landing sites included smooth areas large enough to permit a safe off-target landing, as well as a variety of sampling sites within rover range (~20 kilometers) of the MLV. 

The UW students' prime Hyreus landing site was at 148.1° W, 13.8° S in Mangala Valles, a 350-kilometer-long outflow channel. In addition to the channel itself, Mangala included young volcanoes, ancient rocks, and young and old impact craters. The first backup Hyreus site was at 63° W, 16° N in Valles Marineris, a system of wide, deep canyons with horizontally layered walls. The second backup, at 45° W, 20° N, was in Chryse Planitia, an ancient flood plain near the site where Viking 1 set down on 20 July 1976. The students noted that a visit to the derelict Viking 1 lander "would offer the chance to get first hand analysis of the aeolian and other weather effects on the lander over the 20 years it has been there." 


Hyreus Mars Landing Vehicle (MLV) entry, descent, and landing. Image credit: University of Washington Department of Aeronautics and Astronautics.
Hyreus MLV in Mars landing configuration. The drawing is somewhat inaccurate; by the time the MLV rested on its deployed landing gear on the surface of Mars the SOCM orbiter and parachute canister would be absent. Image credit: University of Washington Department of Aeronautics and Astronautics.

The aerobrake would slow the Hyreus MLV to a speed of 220 meters per second 10 kilometers above Mars, then a tractor rocket would deploy the lander's first parachute. As it unfurled, explosive bolts would fire to jettison the aerobrake. 

Two more parachutes would deploy eight kilometers above Mars. The parachute cluster would slow the MLV to 40 meters per second 500 meters above the landing site. Explosive bolts would then fire to jettison the MLV's upper structural frame and the attached parachute cluster, exposing the ERV. Four throttleable landing rockets would ignite a moment later. 

The MLV would feel a maximum deceleration of 6.5 times Earth's gravity as its four footpads contacted Mars. At touchdown, the MLV would have a mass of 2650 kilograms.

Mars surface operations would last from 547 to 574 days. The Hyreus mission would focus on the three Mars surface activities. The first, ERV propellant loading, would begin immediately after landing. Controllers on Earth would check out and activate the Sabatier/RWGS ISPP plant. Valves would open to admit martian air into the hydrocyclone filter and release hydrogen feedstock. The electrolyzer would switch on after it filled with water, then the Sabatier reactor would activate after it received sufficient hydrogen from the electrolyzer. Unless a malfunction occurred, the ISPP plant would fill the ERV's propellant tanks without human intervention after it was switched on.

The second major Mars surface activity, sample acquisition, would be the primary task of the 185-kilogram SPOT rover. SPOT would comprise three sections one meter wide by 0.44 meters long joined by ball-and-socket joints. Each section would include one pair of 0.5-meter-diameter wire wheels. Hub-mounted electric motors would independently power the wheels on the front and middle sections, while the wheels on the rear ("trailer") section would be passive rollers.

Hyreus Special Planetary Observation Transport (SPOT) rover. Image credit: University of Washington Department of Aeronautics and Astronautics.

SPOT's front section would carry a pair of cameras for science and navigation and a Remote Manipulator Arm (RMA) with four interchangeable sampling tools. These would include a scoop/grabber ("scoobber"). The trailer section would include a large drill for subsurface sampling. After SPOT collected a sample, it would seal it within a Cylindrical Sample Collection Cell (CSCC) and place it into a sample storage bay in its front section. 

Upon return to the MLV, the SPOT RMA would hand the CSCCs one at a time to an RMA on the MLV for transfer to the ERV. The ERV would maintain the samples at martian ambient temperature to help keep them pristine. 

The third area of Mars surface activity would be MLV science. The MLV would carry 57.1 kilograms of science equipment, including three exobiology experiments, a seismometer (to be deployed by SPOT at least 200 meters from the MLV so that vibration from the ISPP system would not interfere with it), a camera, a weather station, a mass spectrometer, and an RMA with 18 interchangeable tools.

After 1.4 years of operation, the Sabatier/RWGS ISPP plant would run out of hydrogen and shut down. Controllers on Earth would then prepare the ERV for liftoff. The primary launch window for Mars departure would span from 25 June to 21 July 2005. In the event of difficulties (for example, if ISPP needed more time than expected), then launch from Mars would be postponed until the 19 June-22 August 2007 launch window opened. 

Explosive bolts would sever connections linking the ERV to the MLV, then the ERV's RL-10-derived engine would ignite to launch it into a 300-kilometer circular parking orbit about Mars. The ERV would orbit Mars until it reached the correct point in its orbit for Mars-Earth transfer orbit injection, then would ignite its engine again to put itself on course for Earth. During Mars-Earth transfer, it would position itself so that the Apollo-style bowl-shaped aerobrake on its Earth Return Capsule (ERC) would shade the samples from the Sun. 

Assuming an on-time launch from Mars, the Hyreus ERV would reach Earth's vicinity on 31 March 2006. If launch were delayed to 2007, Earth arrival would occur on 29 April 2008. The battery-powered ERC would separate from the ERV, then the latter would fire its engine a final time to bend its course away from Earth. This Contamination and Collision Avoidance Maneuver would, the students wrote, prevent Mars dust and possible microbes on the ERV's exterior from reaching the homeworld. 

Shielded by its aerobrake, the Hyreus ERC would enter Earth's upper atmosphere at a speed of 11.2 kilometers per second. Atmospheric drag would slow it to 7.8 kilometers per second so that Earth's gravity could capture it, then a brief rocket burn would circularize its orbit at 340 kilometers of altitude for recovery by a Space Shuttle orbiter. 

The students acknowledged that direct ERC entry into Earth's atmosphere followed by a parachute descent to the surface would cost less than orbital recovery by a Shuttle, but opted for the latter because it would permit astronauts to safely study the Mars samples outside of Earth's biosphere. If their preliminary analysis indicated that the Mars samples posed a hazard to life on Earth, the Shuttle crew could attach the ERC to a Payload Assist Module solid-propellant rocket motor and dispose of it in deep space. 

The UW students presented their Hyreus study in July 1993 at the 8th NASA/USRA ADP summer conference near NASA's Johnson Space Center (JSC) in Houston, Texas. Not coincidentally, NASA JSC and contractor engineers were also studying ISPP MSR mission designs at this time. They found the UW students' work sufficiently impressive to ask for a briefing at NASA JSC. NASA engineers subsequently cited the Hyreus report in NASA ISPP MSR documents. The God of Gainful Employment smiled upon the Hyreus students; several subsequently found jobs at NASA centers and with aerospace contractors. 

Sources

"Mars Rover Sample Return Mission Utilizing In Situ Production of the Return Propellants," AIAA 93-2242, A. P. Bruckner, L. Nill, H. Schubert, B. Thill, and R. Warwick; paper presented at the AIAA/SAE/ASME/ASEE 29th Joint Propulsion Conference and Exhibit in Monterey, California, 28-30 June 1993. 

Project Hyreus: Mars Sample Return Mission Utilizing In Situ Propellant Production Final Report, NASA/USRA Advanced Design Program, Department of Aeronautics and Astronautics, University of Washington, 31 July 1993.

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Astronaut Telescope Servicing at Earth-Sun L2 (1999)

Interplanetary space showing the positions of the Sun, Earth, Earth's orbit about the Sun, the Moon, the Moon's orbit about the Earth, and the five Earth-Sun Libration Points. Image credit: NASA.
The Earth-Moon and Sun-Earth Libration (L) points are not places in the sense that one can land on them and pick up rocks. Because of this, some space exploration planners perceive them to be unsatisfying destinations. The L points have, however, long been proposed as space transportation way stations and as radio relay and scientific instrument sites.

In 1999, the Decadal Planning Team (DPT), a secretive NASA-wide study group chartered by President William Clinton's Office of Management and Budget, identified astronomical observatories in "halo orbits" around the Sun-Earth L points as a key NASA goal for the early 21st century. These large and complex instruments would, among other tasks, seek to observe Earth-like worlds around other stars.

The NASA Exploration Team (NExT), the DPT's immediate successor, subsequently sought to incorporate the Sun-Earth L point emphasis into its piloted spaceflight planning. In a 20 December 1999 presentation to the NeXT, for example, NASA Johnson Space Center exploration planner Bret Drake examined ways that the Sun-Earth L points might aid future piloted Mars missions.

An automated solar observatory orbiting the Sun-Earth L1 point, 1.5 million kilometers from Earth in the direction of the Sun, could provide Mars crews with early warning of solar flares, Drake explained. Radio relays in halo orbit about Sun-Earth L4, 60° ahead of the Earth along its Sun-centered orbit, and Sun-Earth L5, 60° behind the Earth along its orbit, could enable continuous radio communication between Earth and crews exploring Mars during superior conjunctions, when the Sun blocks line-of-sight radio contact between the two planets.

Drake hastened to add that the Sun-Earth L points would not be good staging places for piloted Mars missions. He explained that the trip to and from a Sun-Earth L point would add almost two months to the typical duration of a roundtrip Mars voyage that started from low-Earth orbit (LEO).

Piloted missions to Sun-Earth L points might, however, serve as experience-building intermediate steps between piloted LEO missions and piloted Mars missions. Drake suggested that L point missions could enable astronauts to experience interplanetary conditions (for example, solar radiation undiminished by Earth's magnetic field), yet would have one-way trip times as short as 25 days.

Drake proposed that NASA astronauts carry out a 100-day telescope-servicing mission to Sun-Earth L2, 1.5 million kilometers from Earth in the direction opposite the Sun. The mission would employ Solar-Electric Propulsion (SEP) technologies and techniques first proposed in 1998 for NASA's Mars Design Reference Mission.

The mission would begin with the unmanned launch to LEO of a 32,975-kilogram telescope-servicing spacecraft comprising a 14,450-kilogram inflatable "mini-Transhab" crew module, a 4271-kilogram Apollo Command Module-shaped Earth Return Vehicle (ERV), and a 14,164-kilogram two-stage Chemical Propulsion Module. The spacecraft would reach LEO within the streamlined shroud of a next-generation expendable rocket called an Evolved Expendable Launch Vehicle-Heavy (EELV-H).

A Space Shuttle Orbiter would rendezvous with the telescope-servicing spacecraft in LEO so that astronauts could oversee inflation of the doughnut-shaped single-deck mini-Transhab and deployment of its twin electricity-generating solar arrays. They would install equipment and furnishings in the mini-Transhab and stock it with supplies, then would return to Earth.

A second EELV-H would place a 33,000-kilogram automated Solar-Electric Propulsion (SEP) Vehicle into LEO, where it would automatically deploy solar-array wings and dock with the telescope-servicing spacecraft. Over the next seven months, the SEP Vehicle would operate its electric-propulsion thrusters at perigee (the low point in its orbit about the Earth) to raise its apogee (the high point in its orbit).

The result of these SEP Boost Phase maneuvers would be a highly elliptical orbit loosely bound to the Earth. The SEP Vehicle would then detach from the telescope-servicing spacecraft and operate its thrusters at apogee to return to LEO for refurbishment and reuse.

Use of the SEP Vehicle to place the telescope-servicing spacecraft into a highly elliptical Earth orbit would dramatically reduce the quantity of chemical propellants required to leave LEO for Earth-Sun L2. SEP thrusters produce little thrust but can do so over long periods and expend little propellant. This approach would greatly reduce overall mission mass and the number of EELV-H and Shuttle Orbiter flights required to place the telescope-servicing spacecraft into LEO.

The telescope-servicing spacecraft would carry no crew during the SEP Boost Phase because it would pass through Earth's radiation belts repeatedly. Over time, this would subject the crew to an unacceptably high cumulative radiation dose.

Drake inserted into his telescope-servicing mission assembly-and-launch sequence an optional piloted mission that would fly only if the telescope-servicing spacecraft needed repairs following the SEP Boost Phase. A Shuttle Orbiter would deliver to LEO a maintenance crew, a small lifting-body Crew Taxi, and a chemical-propulsion rocket stage. The stage would rapidly boost the Taxi into a highly elliptical Earth orbit matching that of the telescope-servicing spacecraft.

The maintenance crew would rendezvous and dock with the telescope-servicing spacecraft. After completing the needed repairs, they would undock, fire the Crew Taxi's rocket motors at apogee to lower its perigee into Earth's atmosphere, perform reentry, and glide to a landing.

If, however, flight controllers on Earth determined that the telescope-servicing spacecraft in highly elliptical Earth orbit was healthy and that no repairs were needed, the Crew Taxi would deliver a four-person crew to the telescope-servicing spacecraft. After casting off the Taxi, they would ignite the telescope-servicing spacecraft's first chemical-propulsion stage at perigee to escape their loosely bound highly elliptical orbit and begin the 25-day voyage to Sun-Earth L2. They would then cast off the spent stage.

In the Sun-Earth L2 Operations Phase, the telescope-servicing spacecraft would enter a "halo parking orbit" centered on Sun-Earth L2. For 50 days the astronauts would service large next-generation telescopes in halo orbits around Sun-Earth L2, much as Space Shuttle crews in 1993, 1997, 1999, 2002, and 2009 serviced the Hubble Space Telescope in LEO. Drake suggested that during their down time between servicing calls they might conduct unspecified scientific research.

Their mission completed, the astronauts would ignite the second stage of the telescope-servicing spacecraft's Chemical Propulsion Module to begin return to Earth. About 25 days later, they would strap into the ERV capsule, undock from their home of the previous 100 days, reenter Earth's atmosphere, and parachute to a landing. The other components of the telescope-servicing spacecraft would burn up in Earth's atmosphere.

Even as Drake presented his Earth-Sun L2 servicing mission concept, NASA engineers conceived of a Gateway space station in halo orbit about Earth-Moon L1 as a base for observatory servicing and as a stepping stone to points all over the lunar surface. They envisioned that observatories needing servicing would ignite small thrusters to begin a slow transfer from their Earth-Sun L1 and L2 halo orbits to the vicinity of the Gateway. Once at Earth-Moon L1, they would be serviced by spacewalking astronauts, "cherry picker" booms, and teleoperated systems.

Flying formation with teleoperated systems, an advanced space telescope arrives in the vicinity of the Earth-Moon L1 Gateway. The twin red spheres carry imagers that supply information on the telescope to astronauts inside the Gateway. As they escort the telescope, a boxy teleoperated robot with several jointed appendages moves into the shadow cast by its multi-layer sunshield. Partially silhouetted against the Moon, the Gateway includes six solar arrays, a doughnut-shaped pressurized mini-Transhab habitat module, multiple docking ports, servicing equipment, and three rocket stages for unspecified missions. Please click on the image to enlarge. Image credit: NASA.
Cislunar space showing the positions of Earth, the Moon, the Moon's orbit about Earth, and the five Earth-Moon Libration Points. Image credit: NASA.
In January 2004, in the aftermath of the STS-107 Columbia Space Shuttle accident (1 February 2003) and at the start of the 2004 election cycle, President George W. Bush called for a new NASA program to take humans to the Moon and Mars. At first, the Vision for Space Exploration (VSE), as it became known, incorporated many elements of DPT/NExT.

Soon after Michael Griffin became NASA Administrator on 13 April 2005, however, the VSE veered away from DPT/NExT and toward the Constellation Program, which Griffin called "Apollo on steroids." Bush showed little interest in the VSE after he announced it, so did not intervene to keep his program on track.

Constellation and the VSE were mostly abandoned in 2009-2010 under President Barack Obama. The global economy was in crisis following the collapse of the U.S. housing market in 2008 and the near-collapse of the global financial system. Spaceflight, rarely a high priority, took a distant back seat to repairing the U.S. economy.

When Obama unveiled a new space plan in 2010, it resembled DPT/NExT more than Constellation. The Bush Administration's decision to cancel the Space Shuttle led to the most significant deviation from the DPT/NExT architecture: retention of Constellation's large rocket under the name Space Launch System. Resembling an oversized EELV-H, SLS replaced the Shuttle Orbiter and the solar-electric tug of the DPT/NExT plan. The Orion Crew Exploration Vehicle (CEV) replaced the lifting-body taxi.

Meanwhile, China launched a program to explore the Moon using robots. Chang'e 1 orbited the Moon in 2007-2009; Chang'e 2 orbited the Moon in 2010-2012 before leaving lunar orbit for a flyby of the Near-Earth Asteroid 4179 Toutatis; and Chang'e 3 landed on the Moon in late 2013.

Chang'e 4, targeted for the lunar farside hemisphere, landed successfully in January 2019. It transmits radio signals to Earth via the Queqiao satellite, which reached a halo orbit around Earth-Moon L2 in June 2018. In addition to relaying signals from Chang'e 4 and its rover to Earth, Queqiao also serves as a radio observatory remote from the radio noise of Earth.

A radio-relay satellite in Earth-Moon L2 halo orbit enables communication with spacecraft out of line-of-sight radio contact on the hidden farside hemisphere of the Moon. Image credit: NASA.
Sources

"Future Missions for Libration-point Satellites," R. Farquhar, Astronautics & Aeronautics, May 1969, pp. 52-56.

"Strategic Considerations for Cislunar Space Infrastructure," IAF-93-Q.5.416, W. Mendell and S. Hoffman; paper presented at the 44th Congress of the International Astronautical Federation, 16-22 October 1993.

"Representative Human Missions to the Sun-Earth Libration Point (L2) '100' Day Class Mission," SEL2 Ver. R, Bret G. Drake, NASA Johnson Space Center, presentation materials, 20 December 1999.

"'Invisible Planets' Gain Favor as Real Estate in Space," L. David, Space.com, 19 January 2000.

More Information

Solar Flares and Moondust: The 1962 Proposal for an Interdisciplinary Science Satellite at Earth-Moon L4

Lunar GAS (1987)

Riccioli Outpost (1990)

The red oval at left marks Riccioli crater, Paul Lowman's candidate site for a lunar geology/astronomy outpost. The crater is approximately round, but appears foreshortened because it is near the lunar limb. Image credit: NASA.
NASA held a workshop in August 1990 to examine candidate lunar base sites as part of the Space Exploration Initiative (SEI). U.S. President George H. W. Bush had announced SEI on 20 July 1989, the 20th anniversary of the Apollo 11 Moon landing. SEI aimed to return American astronauts to the Moon to stay and to carry out the first piloted Mars expedition. For most of its first year, SEI lacked a timetable, though in November 1989, The 90-Day Study, NASA's initial SEI blueprint, scheduled the return to the Moon for as early as 2001. On 11 May 1990, Bush called for American astronauts on Mars by 2019.

One candidate lunar base site was 156-kilometer-wide Riccioli crater. Riccioli is located southwest of Oceanus Procellarum, near the edge of the Moon's disk as viewed from Earth, just west of prominent dark-floored Grimaldi basin. Named by 17th-century astronomer-priest Giovanni Battista Riccioli for himself, the crater includes slumped crust blocks (graben) overlain with ejecta from the impact that blasted out the nearby multi-ringed Orientale basin, the youngest large basin on the Moon.

Heavily degraded Riccioli crater. The red oval marks a possible outpost site on the interior uplift. Light-colored ejecta from Mare Orientale (out of shot to the lower left) is discernible over much of the crater. Image credit: NASA.
Riccioli's ancient, complex geology and its position near the Moon's equator and western limb had drawn the gaze of geologist Paul Lowman. At the August 1990 workshop, he advocated for the crater's irregular interior uplift as the site for a geoscience outpost and astronomical observatory. In places, the interior uplift stands more than 800 meters above the crater floor.

Paul Lowman. Image credit: NASA
NASA put Lowman on its payroll in 1959. By some accounts, he was the agency's first geologist. He worked at NASA Headquarters in Washington, DC, then moved to the newly built NASA Goddard Space Flight Center in Greenbelt, Maryland, a Washington suburb. He trained Mercury, Gemini, and Apollo astronauts to identify and photograph Earth's geologic features from Earth orbit and participated in the development of Apollo lunar geology experiments. He wrote about future lunar mining as a member of the interagency Working Group on Extraterrestrial Resources; he also took part in an internal NASA study of a temporary lunar outpost based on Lunar Module spacecraft and other Apollo technology (please see "More Information" below).

After Apollo, Lowman participated in Skylab Earth observation experiments and the Landsat Program. The Earth-orbiting Landsat automated satellites sought resources and monitored the environment on Earth.

Lowman assumed that geologist-astronauts at Riccioli outpost would have at their disposal several rovers equipped as campers. He planned three traverses within Riccioli, each about 100 kilometers long with multiple stops. The traverses would each last several days.

Traverse 1 would begin with a sample stop just outside the outpost's front door. Lowman believed that the Riccioli interior uplift might include some of the oldest lunar crust. From there, the geologist-astronauts would drive across the dark mare to sample light plains material — probable ejecta from the Orientale basin — on Riccioli's northeast rim. The Orientale ejecta, he asserted, could contain pieces of mantle material from deep within the Moon.

Lowman's Traverse 2 would explore criss-cross grabens and rilles (canyons) in search of recent volcanism. Lowman hoped that the explorers might uncover water-rich minerals they could mine.

During Traverse 3, they would sample craters with dark haloes along the Riccioli southeast rim about 50 kilometers from the outpost. Lowman believed that the dark haloes could be signs of relatively recent volcanism; that the craters they surround could be volcanic vents and the haloes erupted volcanic material. Alternately, the impacts that blasted out the craters might have exposed ancient dark deposits buried beneath Orientale basin ejecta.

Lowman expected that geologist-astronauts would build on the exploration experience they gained in Riccioli crater to rove beyond its degraded walls. Riccioli is located in the Moon's "wild west," a region of complex geology that even today is in many ways mysterious. Lowman named as geologic exploration targets within a few hundred kilometers of Riccioli the ring mountains and small mare plains of Mare Orientale; the Reiner Gamma swirls, a prominent magnetic anomaly; the Marius Hills volcanic complex, a highly ranked Apollo candidate landing site; and bright Aristarchus crater.

Astronomers based at near-equatorial Riccioli outpost could, Lowman added, observe nearly the entire celestial sphere every month. He suggested that the generally level Riccioli crater floor could provide a stable platform for groups of sensitive astronomical instruments that needed to be kept carefully aligned to function properly. A cluster of carefully aligned small telescopes could, he noted, act as a single large telescope.

Riccioli crater's near-limb location meant that Earth would stand low in the eastern sky; low enough that at some locations the crater rim and central uplift could hide the home planet from view. Radio telescopes built out of sight of Earth could, he explained, operate without interference from terrestrial artificial and natural radio sources.

Lowman revealed a playful side when he proposed that Riccioli outpost might include a bright strobe light. This could be activated when the Moon was at first-quarter phase, when it stands high and half-lit immediately after sunset for observers on Earth. The Sun would not yet have risen at Riccioli crater, so the blinking strobe would stand out against the dark part of the first-quarter lunar disk.

SEI excited many space scientists, engineers, and enthusiasts, though neither the public nor the Congress supported it. The U.S. economy fell into recession in 1990; set against a backdrop of economic hardship, the Moon and Mars program appeared frivolous. SEI ended soon after President Bush left the Oval Office in January 1993. NASA, meanwhile, redoubled its efforts toward building the International Space Station in low-Earth orbit in cooperation with its long-time International Partners Europe, Canada, and Japan and with its old rival Russia.

Lowman, for his part, never stopped advocating for a lunar outpost, and Riccioli crater remained his favorite candidate outpost site. In 1996, taking into account new miniaturized space technology and capable robots, he proposed a mostly automated astronomy outpost in Riccioli crater built up using small, cheap automated landers. Lowman passed away a week after his 80th birthday on 29 September 2011.

Sources

A Site Selection Strategy for a Lunar Outpost — Science and Operational Parameters: Determining the Impact of Science and Operational Parameters for Six Sites on the Moon by Simulating the Selection Process, Conclusions of a Workshop, 13-14 August 1990, Solar System Exploration Division, NASA Johnson Space Center, Houston, Texas, pp. 31-36.

"Remembering Paul Lowman," Landsat Science (https://landsat.gsfc.nasa.gov/remembering-paul-lowman/ — accessed 30 December 2019).

"Paul Lowman: NASA's 76-Year-Old Maverick," NASA Goddard Space Flight Center, 11 September 2007 (https://www.nasa.gov/centers/goddard/news/series/moon/lowman_intro.html — accessed 30 December 2019).

More Information

As Gemini Was to an Apollo Lunar Landing by 1970, So Apollo Would Be to a Lunar Base By 1980 (1968)

Harold Urey and the Moon (1961)

Mission to the Mantle: Michael Duke's Moonrise

High Noon on the Moon (1991)

Apollo 16 Commander John Young leaps in the Moon's low gravity and salutes Old Glory. The bright morning Sun shines from the left (east) in this image, causing the Lunar Module Orion in the background to cast a west-pointing shadow. All Apollo landings took place during lunar morning. Image credit: NASA.
"Why does the Moon change shape?" It's a question astronomy educators hear often. The answer is that our planet's natural satellite does not change shape; it is, of course, always spherical. What changes is how the Sun illuminates the side of the Moon we can see.

The Moon, like most other Solar System moons, is a synchronous rotator; that is, the period of time it needs to rotate on its axis once is essentially equal to the period of time it needs to orbit its primary once. For the Moon, the time required for both one rotation about its axis and one revolution about the Earth is about 28 days.

That is why humans on Earth see only the Moon's Nearside hemisphere. The Farside hemisphere, always turned away from Earth, remained mysterious until 1959, when humans glimpsed it for the first time courtesy of the Soviet Union's Luna III spacecraft.

This adaptation of a NASA diagram by Bill Dunford displays the parts of the Moon that are lit by the Sun as viewed from a vantage point above the terrestrial and lunar north poles. Nothing about it is to scale. The Sun is out of frame to the right. Numbers are called out in the text below. 
We call the shape of the lighted part of the Moon as viewed from Earth its "phase." Traditionally, however, the first phase of the lunar day/night cycle is new Moon (1 on the lunar phase diagram), when Nearside has no lighted part. When new, the Moon is situated between the Earth and the Sun. In addition to being unlit, the Nearside is lost in the Sun's glare.

Occasionally the Moon crosses over the Sun; new Moon is the time of partial, annular, and total solar eclipses. An eclipse does not occur every time the Moon is new because the Moon's orbit about the Earth is inclined slightly (about 5.1°) relative to Earth's orbit about the Sun.

The disc of the Moon is about 0.5° wide as viewed from Earth. The Sun, though 400 times farther away than the Moon (about 149,600,000 kilometers versus 363,100 kilometers) is also 400 times bigger than the Moon (about 1,392,000 kilometers versus 3475 kilometers), so it appears to be the same size as the Moon (0.5° wide) in Earth's sky. This means that, during total eclipses, the Sun's ghostly corona becomes visible as the Moon blocks the bright disk of the Sun.

The Moon is, however, moving away from Earth at a rate of about four meters per century. In just a few million years, it will no longer be wide enough in Earth's sky to cause total solar eclipses. All eclipses after that will be either partial or annular.

About two days past new Moon, people on Earth can look west in evening twilight and glimpse a slender crescent Moon (2 on the lunar phase diagram). It is called a waxing ("growing") crescent. The horns of the waxing crescent point toward the east, away from the setting Sun. If one looks carefully, one might observe that the part of the Nearside that is not yet lit by the Sun is visible.

This is probably a good place to mention that the Earth seems to change shape as viewed from the Nearside hemisphere. When the Moon is new, the Earth is full. In fact, Earth phases are always the opposite of Nearside phases.

As seen from the Nearside, the full Earth is about four times larger than the full Moon (2° wide in the black lunar sky) and reflects about 75 times as much light. When the Moon is a waxing crescent, Earth is mostly full. This means that sunlight reflected off Earth can light the part of the Nearside that direct sunlight does not yet reach.

As on Earth, the Sun rises in the east on the Moon. The line between light and darkness — the terminator — advances westward a little faster than a typical human can comfortably jog. High mountains and crater rims catch the morning Sun's bright rays first. Viewed through even a modest-size telescope, they appear as isolated islands of light. As the Sun climbs higher, light fills in the plains, lowlands, and crater floors.

Seven days past new, the Nearside is half lit for observers on Earth (3 on the lunar phase diagram). This phase is called first quarter. The first-quarter Moon rises in the east as the Sun stands at noon, reaches its highest point at sunset, and sets in the west at midnight.

About 10 days past new, the Nearside is halfway between first quarter and full (4 on the lunar phase diagram). We call this phase waxing gibbous ("gibbous" means convex — the term refers to the shape of the advancing dawn terminator).

Fourteen days past new, the Nearside is fully lit by the Sun as viewed from Earth (5 on the lunar phase diagram). The full Moon is visible all night; it rises in the east as the Sun sets in the west, stands highest at midnight, and sets in the west as the Sun rises in the east. When the nearside is full, the Earth is new as viewed from the Moon.

When the Moon is full, the Earth stands between it and the Sun. For this reason, full Moon is when partial and total lunar eclipses — during which the shadow of the Earth falls on the Moon — can occur. As with solar eclipses, lunar eclipses do not occur at every full Moon because the Moon's orbit is tilted relative to Earth's orbit about the Sun.

Newcomers to the pleasures of amateur astronomy often turn their first telescope toward the Moon for the first time at full Moon. If one can stand the bright glare from the fully lit Nearside, one can examine many contrasting light and dark areas through a small telescope; many such albedo features (as they are known) are, in fact, best seen when the Nearside is fully lit. Of particular interest are the Nearside-spanning whitish-gray rays of the large impact crater Tycho.

All things considered, however, the fully lit Nearside appears bland; crater rims and mountains cast no shadows, so all sense of surface relief is absent. The Moon might as well be a painted billiard ball. Viewing the Moon when it is less than full — and focusing on the terminator — is, in my opinion, much more rewarding.

About 18 days past new, the Moon has reached waning (shrinking) gibbous phase (6 on the lunar phase diagram). It rises between dusk and midnight and is visible in clear skies in the west until mid-morning the next day. The terminator line, formerly the line of lunar dawn, becomes the line of lunar dusk. Darkness advances from east to west as light advanced two weeks before.

Twenty-one days past new, night reclaims the Nearside's eastern half. This phase is called last quarter (7 on the lunar phase diagram). For people on Earth, the Moon rises at midnight, stands highest at dawn, and sets at noon.

About 25 days past new, the crescent Moon — called the waning ("shrinking") crescent — rises in the east just before the Sun (8 on the lunar phase diagram). Its horns point westward, away from the Sun. The dark part of the Nearside is again lit by sunlight reflected off a nearly full Earth. A relatively small telescope reveals the advance of the sunset terminator; crater bottoms, lowlands, and plains grow dark, then mountains and crater rims slowly shrink and finally vanish in darkness.

If you look through a telescope at the crescent Moon before dawn, take care not to look at the Sun when it peeks above the horizon; eye damage will result. Instead, attempt to keep sight of the crescent Moon as fades into the blue sky of earthly day.

The end of Day 28 sees a new lunar day-night cycle begin (1 on the lunar phase diagram). The Moon stands between the Sun and Earth, lost in the Sun's glare, and it is again midnight at the center of the Nearside hemisphere.

The small basaltic plain Sinus Medii — Latin for "Central Bay" — marks the Nearside's center. Equatorial Sinus Medii was an early Apollo Program landing site candidate, but no Lunar Module (LM) spacecraft landed there. When it is midnight in Sinus Medii, it is high noon at the center of the rugged Farside hemisphere. The Farside's center is located on the lunar equator north of the impact crater Daedalus.

Changes in orbital geometry and lighting angles in the Earth-Moon system are today mainly of interest to stargazers amateur and professional, but a half-century ago it was different. Apollo missions were leaving Cape Kennedy, Florida, every few months bound for the Moon, and lighting conditions were a critical part of landing site selection and mission timing.

Conservative Apollo mission rules dictated that the LM should land only between 12 and 48 hours after sunrise at its target landing site, when the Sun would stand between 5° and 20° above the eastern horizon. At the appointed time, the Apollo mission Commander (CDR) and Lunar Module Pilot (LMP) would ignite the descent engine of their spindly-legged spacecraft over the Farside to slow it so that its orbit would intersect the lunar surface at its Nearside landing site.

As it approached its pre-planned landing site from the east, the LM would pitch up to point its descent engine and four round foot pads at the lunar surface. As the landing site became visible outside the twin triangular LM windows, the Sun would shine from behind the spacecraft. This would prevent it from shining into the astronauts' eyes. The shadow of the LM would then become visible on the surface, enabling the astronauts to gauge the size of lunar surface features to help them pick out a spot for a safe landing.

Because of limited supplies of avionics cooling water, battery power, and breathing oxygen, the longest an Apollo lunar surface mission could last was about 72 hours. The period during which Apollo explorers could gain experience working in lunar lighting conditions thus only spanned from 12 hours (the earliest permitted landing time) to five days (the latest permitted landing time of two days plus the maximum stay-time of three days) after dawn at the landing site.

In 1991, Dean Eppler, a geologist in the NASA Johnson Space Center (JSC) Lunar & Mars Exploration Program Office (LMEPO) with an interest in lunar geologic fieldwork, conducted a study of the effects on lunar surface operations of the whole range of lunar lighting conditions in support of Space Exploration Initiative (SEI) planning. SEI, launched amid great fanfare by President George H. W. Bush on 20 July 1989, aimed to complete Space Station Freedom, return American astronauts to the Moon to stay, and then launch humans to Mars. "To stay" implied that astronauts would need to land, drive, walk, and work on the Moon throughout its day-night cycle at multiple locations all over the Moon.

Eppler had help from a spaceflight legend. John Young (1930-2018) joined NASA in 1962 as a member of the second Astronaut Class ("the New Nine") and was a veteran of six space missions (Gemini III, Gemini X, Apollo 10, Apollo 16, STS-1, and STS-9), four of which he commanded. He was Chief of the Astronaut Office at JSC from 1974 until 5 May 1987, when he was made JSC Director Aaron Cohen's Special Assistant for Engineering, Operations, and Safety.

Apollo 16 Commander John Young (left) with Command Module Pilot Kenneth Mattingly (center) and Lunar Module Pilot Charles Duke (right). Image credit: NASA.
Though his new job was widely seen as punishment for candid views he expressed in the aftermath of the 28 January 1986 Challenger accident, Young tackled it with gusto. He delved into a wide range of technical and safety issues and distributed throughout NASA hundreds of memoranda offering advice. Young also made himself available to people such as Eppler (and, incidentally, to this author); that is, to individuals eager to learn from and commit to record Young's unique body of experience and knowledge.

Young first had an opportunity to observe the Moon's surface from lunar orbit when he served as Apollo 10 Command Module Pilot (CMP) in May 1969. He told Eppler that, viewed from a spacecraft in lunar orbit, the transition from the sunlit part of the Moon to the earth-lit part was sudden and that the eye adjusted almost immediately to the reduced light level. Features on the lunar surface remained almost as visible as they had been under direct sunlight, and it was even possible to pick out features within shadows in earth-lit areas.

Young reported that the change from the earth-lit part of the Moon to unlit portions of the Farside, out of reach of light from both Sun and Earth, was "dramatic." Nothing could be seen of the Moon's surface even at an orbital altitude of only a few tens of kilometers. The horizon was discernible only because stars were visible above it but not below it.

As Apollo 16 CDR in April 1972, Young piloted the LM Orion to a landing at Descartes, the only Apollo site entirely within the lunar highlands. The highlands, which cover about 80% of the Moon's surface, are lighter in hue than basaltic plains like Sinus Medii.

Young told Eppler that, in his opinion, landing a spacecraft equivalent to the Apollo LM would be possible at a site lit only by light reflected off the Earth. Landing in earthlight at a prepared site — that is, one with flashing strobes and electronic landing aids — would be easier than landing a helicopter at night on Earth, he added.

Young experienced the challenges of getting about on the lunar surface under low-angle sunlight soon after climbing down Orion's ladder at Descartes. Moving toward the Sun (eastward) was difficult because of its fierce glare, and moving away from the Sun (westward) was treacherous because shadows disappeared behind the rocks and crater rims that cast them. This created a washed-out landscape where obstacles were hard to see and avoid.

Moving north or south meant reduced glare and visible shadows. This is one reason why the first two Apollo flights that included a Lunar Roving Vehicle (LRV), Apollo 15 and Apollo 16, had pre-planned lunar traverses that were oriented generally toward north and south.

Image credit: NASA.
Image credit: NASA.
Image credit: NASA.
The photographs above, taken from the same location within the space of a few minutes by Apollo 16 LMP Charles Duke, give some sense of the difficulties posed by these lunar-surface lighting phenomena. The reader should bear in mind that early 1970s photographic film was less capable of capturing surface topography in challenging circumstances than were astronaut eyes.

The top image shows the view toward the glaring low-angle Sun. The middle image shows John Young at work near the Apollo 16 LRV. He is facing north. As the orientation of the shadows indicates, the Sun is located to the right of the field of view, so surface feature visibility is near optimum. Rocks, footprints, and LRV tracks are obvious.

The bottom image, taken facing west directly away from the low Sun, looks very different, but in reality displays a rocky landscape similar to that shown in the top and middle images. Apart from rocks close to Duke (and Duke's own helmet), however, surface features obscure their own shadows and thus are almost invisible.

Based on Young's observations and his own calculations, Eppler proposed schedules for operations at various lunar surface locations. He determined that in Sinus Medii the period from local dawn until 5.5 days after local sunrise would be optimal for walking, driving, and landing.

From 5.5 days to nine days after sunrise at Sinus Medii the Sun would hang within 20° of local vertical, with noon taking place on day seven. The near-vertical lighting angle would mean that terrain features would cast no shadows, making walking and driving difficult. A descending lander would cast a shadow, but only directly beneath the lander, where it would most likely not be visible to the pilot. Eppler advised that only "restricted surface operations" should occur during the near-noon period. Landings should take place only at prepared sites.

The period from nine to 28 days after sunrise at Sinus Medii would be optimal for surface activity, Eppler found, though lighting conditions would vary greatly over that span of time. Between nine and 14 days after sunrise, the Sun would lower toward the west and would again cast visible shadows (except toward the east, away from the Sun). A lunar lander approaching an outpost landing field from the east would have to contend with both direct solar glare and absence of a handy lander shadow. Sunset would occur on day 14, with a half-lit Earth shining high in the sky.

On day 21 — midnight at Sinus Medii — full Earth would light the landscape. Seven days later, with a half-Earth high in the sky, the Sun would rise again in the east. Surface activity could thus take place at Sinus Medii without break or restrictions for 24.5 days of the 28-day lunar day/night cycle; that is, from day nine after sunrise to day 5.5 after sunrise.

At the center of the Farside, the lighting situation would be very different. Starting 14 days after local dawn, the Sun would set and — with no Earth in the sky — the landscape would become lost in darkness. Only by using artificial lighting could astronauts find their way. Landings would be prohibited throughout Farside night except at prepared sites.

Eppler also examined lighting on the east and west lunar limbs (that is, on the edges of the Nearside hemisphere near the equator) and at the Moon's poles. The western limb would see the Sun set in the west 14 days after local sunrise with a full Earth on the eastern horizon. The lighted fraction of the Earth would decrease as night progressed.

Between day 23 and day 28 after sunrise at the western limb site, Earth would provide too little light for surface operations without artificial lights. It would become completely invisible at western limb sunrise — which would, of course, occur in the east.

The eastern limb would experience sunset while Earth was new, so would become very dark immediately. Eppler expected that a fat crescent Earth, located just above the western horizon, would provide adequate lighting for surface operations starting on day 19 after local sunrise. On day 21, Earth would be half lit, and it would be full on day 28, when the Sun would once again rise in the east.

The lunar poles would see Earth phases like those at Sinus Medii. Earth would hover, bobbing and tilting slightly, near the Nearside southern horizon for north pole sites and near the Nearside northern horizon for south pole sites.

The Sun would circle the horizon at a polar site, never setting. Astronauts would need to note its position on the horizon and take care not to turn directly toward it without adequate eye protection. In addition, local mountains and crater rims would occasionally block the Sun or Earth and some areas — mainly deep crater bottoms — would forever lie in cold shadow.

Sources

Lighting Constraints on Lunar Surface Operations, NASA Technical Memorandum 4271, Dean B. Eppler, NASA Johnson Space Center, May 1991.

Forever Young: A Life of Adventure in Air and Space, John W. Young with James R. Hansen, University Press of Florida, 2012.

More Information

What If an Apollo Lunar Module Ran Low on Fuel and Aborted its Landing? (1966)

Keep My Memory Green: Skill Retention During Long-Duration Spaceflight (1968)

Log of a Moon Expedition (1969)

Exploring Mars from Pole to Pole: MESUR Network (1991)

Pioneer Venus 2 releases its three small Venus atmosphere entry probes. Through artist license, the large probe is visible against the clouds of Venus; it would not in fact have been visible at the time the small probes were released. Image credit: NASA.
On 8 August 1978, NASA launched Pioneer Venus 2 (PV2) on an Atlas-Centaur rocket. The 904-kilogram spacecraft, known also as Pioneer Venus Multiprobe, released a 1.5-meter-diameter battery-powered atmosphere entry probe on 16 November and three 76-centimeter-diameter probes on 20 November.

On 9 December 1978, the five parts of PV2 entered the thick, hot Venusian atmosphere. The drum-shaped probe carrier burned up as planned at an altitude of 110 kilometers. Sturdy conical heat shields protected the spherical instrumented probes from aerodynamic heating. As drag slowed it, the large probe deployed a parachute.

Two of the small probes, which did not include parachutes, exceeded all expectations by surviving landing and transmitting data from the hellish Venusian surface. One, the Day Probe, transmitted for 67.5 minutes before succumbing to heat, pressure, and battery failure, setting a new world record for spacecraft endurance on Venus.

PV2 was the last U.S. planetary mission launched until 1989. NASA Ames Research Center (ARC), located near San Francisco, California, managed PV2 and its sister spacecraft, PV1 (the Pioneer Venus Orbiter).

In July 1991, ARC proposed a multiprobe system outwardly not too different from PV2, but intended to create a long-lived network of low-cost science stations on Mars. According to ARC's report on the concept, its network would reflect a design philosophy with "unique characteristics . . . derived from the Pioneer Project corporate memory."

Mars networks were first proposed in the early 1970s. Scientific advisory groups endorsed the network concept repeatedly in the following two decades as the best way to obtain global-scale weather and seismic data. In the late 1980s, at the behest of the NASA Headquarters Solar System Exploration Division (SSED), the Jet Propulsion Laboratory (JPL) Precursor Task Team included a network in its program of precursor robotic missions for paving the way for astronauts on Mars. In common with previous Mars network plans, the 1989 plan invoked spear-shaped penetrators to hard-land stations at low cost.

NASA ARC's Mars Environment Survey (MESUR - pronounced "measure"), on the other hand, invoked cheap rough-landing landers, or "stations," that would deploy protective airbags seconds before landing. MESUR would build up a "pole-to-pole" network of 16 stations during the 1999, 2001, and 2003 minimum-energy Mars launch opportunities.

Each 158.5-kilogram MESUR lander would leave Earth attached toa Mars atmosphere entry deceleration system and a simple cruise stage. Upon arrival at Mars, each would cast off its cruise stage and enter the atmosphere directly from its Earth-Mars trajectory at up to seven kilometers per second. The ARC report compared this with the Viking landers, which entered from Mars orbit at only 4.4 kilometers per second. The lander's heat shield, a two-meter-diameter flattened cone, would be designed to withstand atmosphere entry during planet-wide dust storms, when suspended dust particles might exacerbate shield erosion.

Partial cutaway of a MESUR station on the surface of Mars. Image credit: NASA Ames Research Center.
The ARC report acknowledged that the disk-shaped lander might bounce to rest on Mars in either "heads" or "tails" orientation, but rejected as costly and risky a mechanical system for tipping it upright. The ARC engineers opted instead for circular ports that would enable controllers to deploy instruments from either side of the station. Instruments might include imagers, an atmospheric structure experiment, gas analyzers, a weather station, a spectrometer, and a seismometer.

The report explained that solar cells were initially ARC's preferred MESUR power system, but analysis had shown that the number of cells that could be mounted on the lander's small surface would not generate enough electricity to drive its science instruments unless landings were limited to sites within 30° of the martian equator. This limitation was deemed unacceptable by the MESUR Science Definition Team, so engineers opted for a small (nine-kilogram) General Purpose Heat Source (GPHS) Radioisotope Thermal Generator (RTG) "brick" based on Ulysses solar polar orbiter/Galileo Jupiter orbiter RTG technology.

Sixteen MESUR landers would need 16 GPHS bricks over six years. The report noted that the entire MESUR Network would need less than half as much plutonium as the Cassini Saturn orbiter, which would carry two RTGs with 18 GPHS bricks each.

Cutaway of the MESUR Network launch shroud showing four MESUR landers (one is mostly obscured behind the lander support structure) and the solid-propellant Mars transfer orbit injection stage. Image: NASA Ames Research Center.
The MESUR mission would begin in 1999 with the launch of a single Delta II 7925 rocket from Cape Canaveral, Florida, with four MESUR landers mounted on a framework within its 9.5-foot-diameter streamlined launch shroud. After a solid-propellant upper stage placed them on course for Mars, the landers would separate from the framework to travel on "independent free-flyer trajectories" that would permit precise Mars landing site targeting. Three side-mounted landers would tumble after separation, but sloshing propellants in their cruise stages would gradually damp their gyrations.

The landers would discard their cruise stages 125 kilometers above Mars. Ten kilometers above the planet, each would deploy a pilot parachute, then cast off its heat shield and open its single main parachute. The landers would image the surface and collect atmospheric structure data during the final eight kilometers of descent.

Just two meters above the landing site, each lander would release its main parachute and inflate its airbags. A small rocket on the parachute would ignite to prevent it from settling over the lander.

The MESUR lander design would permit landings at sites up to six kilometers above the base datum, the martian equivalent of Earth's sea level. The base datum, referenced to the minimum Mars atmospheric pressure required for liquid water to exist on the surface, was established after Mariner 9 mapped the planet from orbit in 1971-1972. (In 2001, a new system referenced to the mean radius of Mars as measured by Mars Global Surveyor's MOLA instrument replaced the base datum.)

Though all 16 MESUR landers would carry the same suite of instruments, their individual landing sites would be selected to cater to different science requirements. The report advised that weather stations should be spaced widely over the planet, while seismic stations should form closely spaced "triads." These conflicting requirements forced a "compromise network design."

MESUR Network Stations 1 and 2 would land near each other on the north rim of Valles Marineris to form a "seismic pair." Station 3, at the foot of Olympus Mons in Tharsis, would also emphasize seismic research. Station 4 would aim to extend the weather record for Chryse Planitia, where Viking 1 accumulated data from 1976 to 1983.

The Tharsis hemisphere of Mars showing proposed positions of MESUR stations. See text for explanation. Image credit: NASA.
In 2001, two Delta II 7925s would launch 20 days apart bearing four more MESUR landers and a communications relay orbiter, respectively. The latter payload, based on an existing Earth-orbital comsat design, would serve as radio relay for the expanding network, enabling MESUR stations to return data from sites all over the martian surface.

It would reach Mars in 10 months on a slow "Type II" trajectory to reduce the amount of propellant it would need to slow down so that the planet's gravity could capture it. Launch of the communications orbiter would be delayed until 2001 in order to spread its cost over a longer period.

With the successful arrival of the four 2001 stations, a "minimal network" would be in place on Mars. Station 5, on the Marineris north rim, would create a "seismic triad" with Stations 1 and 2, while Station 6, northwest of Olympus Mons, would create a seismic pair with Station 3. Station 7, east of Solis Planum ("a region of known dust storm activity"), and Station 8, in western Acidalia Planum, would expand martian meteorological coverage.

The final two MESUR Delta II 7925 launches in 2003 would boost four landers each on course for Mars. Stations 9 and 10 would be located near the north and south poles, respectively, while Station 11 would report weather conditions in Aonia Terra, southwest of the great Argyre basin. Stations 12 (northwest Hellas), 13 (Elysium Planitia), and 14 (Deuteronilus Mensae) would further extend martian meteorological coverage.

Station 15 (Sirenum Terra) would form a Tharsis seismic triad with Stations 3 and 6. Station 16, in Syrtis Major on the side of Mars opposite Olympus Mons, would create a seismic pair with Station 13 and, with the Tharsis triad, enable the size of Mars's core to be determined.

The Syrtis Major hemisphere of Mars showing proposed positions of MESUR stations. See text for explanation. Image credit: NASA.
The entire 16-station network and its communications orbiter would function for at least a martian year (a little more than two Earth years). This would mean that the 1999 stations would have to endure for three martian years (6.5 Earth years), while the 2001 stations and communications orbiter would need to function for two martian years (4.3 Earth years).

In its 1991 strategic plan, published the same month as ARC's MESUR report, the SSED dubbed MESUR its "baseline plan" for a Mars network mission. In November 1991, NASA elected to move MESUR Phase A development to JPL, where the project was split into two parts.

MESUR Network would be preceded by MESUR Pathfinder, a single-spacecraft mission for technology testing. Pathfinder was built larger than the planned MESUR landers so that it could deliver to Mars a six-wheeled "microrover." JPL also opted for solar power in place of NASA ARC's RTG bricks and a petal system to permit it to flip itself upright and release the rover instead of small instrument deployment ports.

In 1994, in the wake of the Mars Observer failure, NASA funded the Mars Surveyor Program in place of MESUR Network. Work continued on Pathfinder under the auspices of NASA's low-cost Discovery Program, however, and it landed successfully on Mars on 4 July 1997.

Mars Pathfinder Lander (background) and Sojourner rover. Image credit: NASA.
Sources

Mars Environmental Survey (MESUR) Science Objectives and Mission Description, NASA Ames Research Center, 19 July 1991.

Solar System Exploration Division Strategic Plan: Preparing the Way to the New Frontier of the 21st Century, Special Studies Office, Space Telescope Science Institute, July 1991.

More Information

Pioneer Mars Orbiter with Penetrators (1974)

Prelude to Mars Sample Return: The Mars 1984 Mission (1977)